- { {{"Speaking to the Georgia Republicans at their state convention Saturday about the need to bring minorities into the party, Gov. Nathan Deal cited what he... } – May 24, 9:05 PM
- { Excellent article, Mr. Baxter. } – May 24, 8:08 PM
- { DanielDinnell Daniel, You posted this: "The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has never taught that blacks are 'inferior' in any way, shape, or... } – May 24, 7:21 PM
- { HarryStamper HarryStamper I am "shooting" no one, Harry. This comment of yours says it all: "We believe it [denying Blacks full participation in your church]... } – May 24, 6:05 PM
- { HarryStamper } – May 24, 5:54 PM
Tom Baxter
A pig squeals in Alabama, and Georgia gets the bacon
There has recently been a dust-up over in Alabama which might have set our ears to ringing here in Georgia, had our ears not already been deafened by the clamor from Florida, South Carolina and Tennessee.
Residential and commercial customers in Alabama pay more for their electricity than those in Georgia, even though the price of the fuel needed to produce the electricity is less there than it is here. According to a recent survey, Alabama Power customers paid $1.5 billion more over a six-year period than they would have if they could have bought the electricity from Georgia Power, even though both companies are owned by Southern Co.
And even though vast reserves of natural gas have been discovered in Alabama while Georgia is still prospecting for its first big strike, customers of the two largest natural gas utilities there are charged two to three times more in operations and maintenance costs than customers in Georgia or Mississippi.
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The slow, or fast, train to 2014
Stories about the Republican governors’ struggle with accepting the Medicaid expansion often say, as an Associated Press story did this week, that under the Affordable Care Act, “Washington pays the full cost of the expansion for the first three years, gradually phasing down to 90 percent.” This is true, but there is a little more to it, and in political terms that little is large.
To expand the explanation somewhat, from Jan. 1, 2014, to Dec. 31, 2016, the feds will pay the participating states 100 percent of their Medicaid costs. The scale-down begins in 2017 and reaches 90 percent in 2020.
What results from this is somewhat akin to Einstein’s Theory of Relativity. To some GOP governors who have been vocally opposed to Obamacare, the train they’re on appears to be moving slowly enough to get through one more qualifying, one more election, maybe even having their portrait hung in the capitol before they’re compelled to concede.
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Chattanooga: Eating our lunch in liveability
When Atlantans look around for other cities to compare theirs with, they think major league all the way. They measure their growth against Houston and Dallas. They travel to Denver and Seattle to find civic inspiration and worry that Charlotte and Nashville are gaining on them.
But as we contemplate the hotter, wetter future we discussed last week, we might be better off taking a look at Chattanooga.
Yes, Chattanooga. Seldom do we think of our neighbor across the Tennessee line as much of a competitor. When they built an aquarium, we just built a bigger one. But for nearly three decades, since a group of civic leaders got together in 1984 and committed themselves to doing something about Chattanooga’s image as the dirtiest city in America, and in the view of some the dullest, they have been eating our lunch on the playing field of liveability.
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A future with a lot of ‘Hotlantas’
It’s going to rain, and we’re not just talking about the next couple of days. The news won’t come as much consolation to Georgia farmers struggling through a multi-year drought, but according to the most sophisticated climate model ever attempted for the eastern United States, their problem 44 years from now won’t be lack of rain, but torrential storms and flooding.
And it will be hot, but it may seem hotter in some places than it does in others.
We can begin speculating about such things because of the unprecedented degree of detail in a study conducted by researchers at the University of Tennessee, Emory’s Rollins School of Public Health and the National Center for Atmospheric Research, published in the Nov. 6 edition of Environmental Research Letters.
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The ethics dilemma: How to get doing right, right
It seems to be a matter of widespread agreement that the best thing about this year’s legislative session is the pace at which it’s clicking along. The General Assembly is on track to adjourn on the earliest date in years, which gives citizen legislators more time to make a living and unnecessary, often bad bills less time to sprout and grow.
So how has this beneficial improvement come to pass? It’s hard not to credit it at least in part to one of the most widely deplored deals in years: the arrangement by which former Senate majority leader Chip Rogers left the legislature to take a job with Georgia Public Broadcasting at a salary of $150,000 — more than the yearly salary of the governors of 40 states, including Georgia. A pretty penny, but it was deemed to be the price of removing the logjam in the state Senate, paving the way for the speedy passage of the hospital bed tax and a short session.
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Saxby Chambliss and the rural-Republican arc
When Saxby Chambliss was elected to Congress in 1994, he was the first Republican to represent a rural Deep South district since Reconstruction, which made him stand out in the big freshman GOP class that came to Washington that tumultuous year.
He could have been described then as a pioneer, which is hardly the way he seemed last week when Chambliss announced he’d decided not to seek a third U.S. Senate term next year. The two-decade arc of that Washington career spans much of the story of what’s happened in American politics since the year when the Democrats lost control of Congress for the first time in decades, and Newt Gingrich declared Year One of the new Republican Era.
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The wacky doo legislature comes back to town
In his eulogy for Herman Talmadge, Sam Nunn told the story of a visit to the senior senator’s office not long after Nunn had been elected to the U.S. Senate. Talmadge inquired of his young colleague whether he’d answered all his constituents’ letters, and Nunn replied that he had, with the exception of a few “nuts” who had written to him about tin foil and flying saucers.
Talmadge gave him a stern look and reached for the spitoon he kept by his desk.
“If you can’t win the nut vote,” he said, “You’re not going to carry a county in Georgia.”
That anecdote drew a rollicking response back in 2002. I imagine if a similar story were told at the funeral of some prominent politician today, it would still get a laugh, but it would be a more nervous laughter. The nuts have gone from being key to getting elected, to getting elected themselves.
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Bug-splat politics and the national discussion on disaster relief reform
It’s only fitting the first annual Lovebug Award for Congressional Cooperation should go to the representative of a Gulf Coast district familiar with those pesky winged insects which show up a couple of times a year to sacrifice themselves on the windshields of automobiles.
Rep. Steven Palazzo of Biloxi was one of 67 Republicans who voted Friday against a $9.7 billion relief bill for the part of the country hit by Superstorm Sandy. He was joined by five members of the Georgia delegation – Paul Broun, Doug Collins, Tom Graves, Tom Price and Rob Woodall – as well as representatives from several other states which have been recent recipients of federal disaster aid. But the prize for sheer glass-house, pot-call-the kettle-black brass has to go to Palazzo, who represents the district where Hurricane Katrina hit land, in the heart of a region where rent-seeking isn’t a dusty economic term but a way of life. Continue reading






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